Papago Woman, by Ruth Underhill, recalls the life events of a Native American woman, Maria Chona, of the Tohono O'odham tribe. This short ethnographic account illuminates issues such as feminism, the evolution of the Tohono O'odham society due to European influences, poverty, etc. Chona states the events of her life, chronologically, which include things like fighting with the Apaches, learning how to weave baskets, bearing children, and leaving her husband. Chona was sort of an unconventional lady by the standards of the Tohono O'odham culture. Although Chona recalls fighting with the Apache when she was young, there are some parallel views of the Whiteman such that they speak loudly and quickly, and are considered nosy for inquiring about a persons state of being and whatnot. Chona also recalls the influences of Europeans anywhere from altering the way the Tohono O'odham dressed to the way they spoke to the way they lived their lives. More personally, Underhill describes how the dynamic of the "intense oneness of Papago relationships" changed with European influence as people were forced to separate and become detached from one another.
The fact that this is a woman's account was a pioneering feat at the time, and is sort of a social commentary of feminism. Ruth Underhill is mirrored in Chona in this sense - they both were independent, knowledge seeking women who wouldn't settle for less than what they wanted. Both are admirable for taking the actions they did in the face of impurity and consequential social adjustments.
An interesting aspect of reading this account was the language that Underhill used. It's funny to pinpoint how presentism affected Underhill's writing and how what was once considered politically correct and acceptable has changed. In fact, with the foreword from Ruth Benedict, Benedict refers to the Tohono O'odham as a "primitive people" - oh no! Although Benedict probably didn't mean to use this term in a derogatory way, our society has since then changed its word choice and meaning. Even the term Papago is outdated and largely rejected by the Tohono O'odham people because Papago was a term given to them by the Spanish, which can be translated as "tepary bean eater". Underhill slips up when she describes the Tohono O'odham gifting culture and expressing thanks in that she states, "it was only later I learned that Papago has none of the polite phrases which make up the civilization of my people". Two things sound ethnocentric about this statement: firstly, how Underhill emphasizes the absence of not only these phrases, but polite phrases; and secondly, how Underhill states the "civilization of my people", perhaps inferring that the Papago aren't "civilized". Again, Underhill may not have meant any offense when constructing this account, but it's interesting to see how these types of understandings have evolved in our society.
Archaeology Press
Thursday, November 3, 2011
Sunday, October 30, 2011
Portraits of "the Whiteman" by Keith H. Basso
In Portraits of the "Whiteman", author Keith Basso describes a joking culture of the Western Apache that's often overlooked. Native Americans have always been portrayed in a very serious manner, so Basso sheds light on this humorous aspect of life. These jokes entail making fun of the Whiteman through joking around with one another. This linguistic play of the Whiteman symbolizes everything the Apache are not. These are cultural and social constructions based off of observations an Apache might have, but no two jokes are the same because each joke is geared specifically toward the relationship between the people giving and receiving the joke. These joking performances serve as a "micro-sociological analysis" of society - both how they view the Whitman and how they view their own culture. Views are constantly evolving as cultures evolve, so these adaptations are evolving too.
An aspect of joking is "code-switching", meaning that the Apache speaks in English. This in and of itself is a form of social commentary as Apaches were forced to learn English on the reservations. Styles of speaking with block phrasing and higher, quicker speech are meant to imitate the Whiteman. Apaches think that the Whiteman speaks in a way that always sounds angry, which is high and quick - Apaches speak in a low tone that is slow. Adult males primarily partook in this type of joking, but it originally started with schoolchildren. Basso repeatedly stated how the Apache thought these jokes were 'dangerous', and I was confused by this at first because I wasn't sure what it quite meant. Basso reveals, finally, that by 'dangerous' the Apache mean that although the joke holds properties of bringing happiness, the joke could also offend people. And with any joke, sometimes it's hard to tell whether the joker holds ulterior motives of seriousness.
These jokes hold a social commentary of the people giving and receiving the joke in that this boasts of the closeness of their relationship - that they are close enough to be joking so intensely with each other. The most 'dangerous' type of joke is one dealing with disrespectful treatment of the person spoken about (the butt of the joke) in that the butt thinks higher of themselves than other people. As these jokes provide a way to discuss things that otherwise would not occur,
Basso describes a quintessential joke which covers many bases of Apache culture:
1. The joker says, "Hello, my friend!" This makes fun of the fact that Whitmen call each other friend all the time. The Apache don't have a word for this in their culture because even the nearest equivalent is spoken by individuals who are very close to each other. Also, Basso notes how Whitemen use this term more openly when they want something from someone.
2. The joker says, "How you doing? How you feeling?" Such questions as these are considered violations of privacy instead of concerned notions. The Apache view the Whiteman as nosy and lacking a degree of self-control because they want to know all aspects of that persons life.
3. The joker says, "Look who here, everybody! Look who just come in." This is considered unnecessary fanfare and drawing attention where there not need be. Apaches view this as socially exposing and embarrassing.
4. The joker says, "Sure, it's my Indian friend, L." By referring to the person by their personal name is considered addressing the person as a piece of individual property.
5. The joker slaps his friend on the back, shakes his hand vigorously, stares him in the face, and guides him to his seat. Apaches avoid touching each other, so slapping backs and shaking hands are an encroachment of personal space. Staring at someone in the face is considered an act of aggression. And guiding the person to his seat is considered bossy, which the Apache find very offensive.
6. The joker repeats rapid fire questions. The Apache consider it rude to repeat questions, and not giving someone enough time to respond is deemed discourteous.
7. The joker says, "You looking pretty fat!" Statements concerning someone's physical appearance are considered disrespectful and discomforting. The Apache want to blend in moreso than stand out like the Whiteman, who the Apache think are very self absorbed.
8. The joker speaks quickly and in a loud, high-pitched voice. As mentioned earlier, this is how the Apache view the Whiteman speaking, which they deem angry.
As stated prior, views of the Whiteman are constantly evolving, but regardless, these portraits will always be what the Apache is not. These jokes serve as social commentary of how the Apaches view the Whiteman, but also how the Apache view themselves. These jokes are only performed when the people giving and receiving the joke are close enough with each other that neither will be offended.
An aspect of joking is "code-switching", meaning that the Apache speaks in English. This in and of itself is a form of social commentary as Apaches were forced to learn English on the reservations. Styles of speaking with block phrasing and higher, quicker speech are meant to imitate the Whiteman. Apaches think that the Whiteman speaks in a way that always sounds angry, which is high and quick - Apaches speak in a low tone that is slow. Adult males primarily partook in this type of joking, but it originally started with schoolchildren. Basso repeatedly stated how the Apache thought these jokes were 'dangerous', and I was confused by this at first because I wasn't sure what it quite meant. Basso reveals, finally, that by 'dangerous' the Apache mean that although the joke holds properties of bringing happiness, the joke could also offend people. And with any joke, sometimes it's hard to tell whether the joker holds ulterior motives of seriousness.
These jokes hold a social commentary of the people giving and receiving the joke in that this boasts of the closeness of their relationship - that they are close enough to be joking so intensely with each other. The most 'dangerous' type of joke is one dealing with disrespectful treatment of the person spoken about (the butt of the joke) in that the butt thinks higher of themselves than other people. As these jokes provide a way to discuss things that otherwise would not occur,
Basso describes a quintessential joke which covers many bases of Apache culture:
1. The joker says, "Hello, my friend!" This makes fun of the fact that Whitmen call each other friend all the time. The Apache don't have a word for this in their culture because even the nearest equivalent is spoken by individuals who are very close to each other. Also, Basso notes how Whitemen use this term more openly when they want something from someone.
2. The joker says, "How you doing? How you feeling?" Such questions as these are considered violations of privacy instead of concerned notions. The Apache view the Whiteman as nosy and lacking a degree of self-control because they want to know all aspects of that persons life.
3. The joker says, "Look who here, everybody! Look who just come in." This is considered unnecessary fanfare and drawing attention where there not need be. Apaches view this as socially exposing and embarrassing.
4. The joker says, "Sure, it's my Indian friend, L." By referring to the person by their personal name is considered addressing the person as a piece of individual property.
5. The joker slaps his friend on the back, shakes his hand vigorously, stares him in the face, and guides him to his seat. Apaches avoid touching each other, so slapping backs and shaking hands are an encroachment of personal space. Staring at someone in the face is considered an act of aggression. And guiding the person to his seat is considered bossy, which the Apache find very offensive.
6. The joker repeats rapid fire questions. The Apache consider it rude to repeat questions, and not giving someone enough time to respond is deemed discourteous.
7. The joker says, "You looking pretty fat!" Statements concerning someone's physical appearance are considered disrespectful and discomforting. The Apache want to blend in moreso than stand out like the Whiteman, who the Apache think are very self absorbed.
8. The joker speaks quickly and in a loud, high-pitched voice. As mentioned earlier, this is how the Apache view the Whiteman speaking, which they deem angry.
As stated prior, views of the Whiteman are constantly evolving, but regardless, these portraits will always be what the Apache is not. These jokes serve as social commentary of how the Apaches view the Whiteman, but also how the Apache view themselves. These jokes are only performed when the people giving and receiving the joke are close enough with each other that neither will be offended.
Tuesday, October 25, 2011
Native Nations of the Plains
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Most people think of horses as being indigenous to North America, with the myth of the wild mustang and all that jazz, but horses were introduced by the Spanish of the southwest. The acquisition of horses forever changed how these nations lived. Among some of the most important aspects of their lives affected include transportation, concepts of social status and wealth, and rituals. The amount of horses one has became a symbol of wealth, and horses were sacrificed at the owner's death, if possible. Horses allowed these nations to migrate much easier, and the elderly and sick could retreat to riding a horse if they were unable to walk. Consequently, the egalitarian ethic was negatively impacted by this as well since a social hierarchy was created, which marginalized those who did not own horses.
Women's status changed as a result of the trade of horses and buffalo. Woman's labor was essential to trade, and a man might have become polygamous to ensure his wives prepared more hides and thus, elevating his economic status. Therefore, the notion of polygyny had nothing to do with a romanticized concept, but rather an economic stance. Westerners have a social stigma against polygny when in fact, most societies around the world practice polygamy. Most societies use the metric system too, but that's another issue. The point is, Western tradition has developed the ethnocentric notion that simply because we accept the romantic notion of monogamy and consensual love that other societies are wrong and therefore seem like chauvinist bigots. The fact is, different cultures hold different priorities - Western society centers around romantics, while many other societies center around survival and economics.
Wednesday, October 19, 2011
The Choctaws
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I've always b
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Another interesting aspect to cultural norms and mores is tattoos. To the Choctaws, tattoos were symbols of honor as well as decoration. Bonvillain states that warriors, chiefs, and their wives adorned tattoos on their faces, arms, shoulders, thighs, and legs, while warriors particularly adorned them on their chests. This lends itself to another Western stigma of social conditioning and indecency, particularly in regard to religion. Currently, tattoos are much widely accepted by western culture. People sport them for a variety of reasons, including honor and pure decoration, but Choctaw strictly used black, red, and blue pigment as these were the types available at their disposal.
Thursday, October 13, 2011
Native Nations of the Southeast
Everglades |
Reading about the Natchez left a bad taste in my mouth as most of the culture described by Bonvillain was on account of post-European conquest. Egalitarian ways were shattered and Natchez society was split into two classes: the noble and the commoners. This is further revealed with titles, such as the highest ranking chief's eldest sister (near equal to the chief) is called "White Woman". The submission continues as commoners were mostly referred to as "stinkards". What a set up for disaster and resentment!
Now to the
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Thursday, October 6, 2011
Aerial Archaeology
Stated in the following article are the new discoveries made by Dr. David Kennedy at the University of Western Australia due to aerial photography: http://www.stuff.co.nz/technology/digital-living/5675744/Aussie-makes-discoveries-from-his-office. Kennedy discovered stone structures that span across the Arabian peninsula from northern Syria to Yemen. These types of findings are called geoglyphs and vary in depiction - animals, humans, etc. What's really exciting is that these geoglyphs are prehistoric and from around 9000 years ago, whereas the Nazca lines are only about 1000 years old. The area was fruitful in regard to dwellings as well, which led to tomb discoveries.
As I said, these findings reminded me of the intaglios at Blythe, Arizona (man
Wednesday, October 5, 2011
The Mi'kmaqs
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I enjoyed reading about Mi'kmaq religious beliefs and practices, and one thing that I've always been interested in were shapeshifters, or skinwalkers. I'm only familiar with this in regard to the Navajo and Hopi, however. Bonvillain does not directly referenced this here, but she does refer to a powerful people who practice witchcraft called the "buoin". Bonvillain does, however, state than a further manifestation of their power is to change from one form into another, so to me this implies shapeshifting.
I've always been fascinated by birthing rituals, and last year in my anthropological theory class, we watched the documentary The Business of Being Born. The documentary reveals the nature of midwifery and how the medical industry and hospitals essentially stole this intimate experience away from women. Bonvillain's description of birthing reminded me of this parallel. Mi'kwaqs kneeled on the ground or squatted and held onto something while giving birth, which makes sense as to not fight the force of gravity by lying down on a hospital bed. The mother would be surrounded by a few women who would console her and make her feel comfortable, as well as burn tobacco to ease pain and quicken birth. Babies were given oil from a bear or seal to swallow after being washed in the river and then wrapped in animal fur - sounds a lot better than dangling you from your feet, slapping your ass to make you breathe, and squirting silver nitrate into your eyes.
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